第7章 纽伦堡受尊敬的人(2)
In addition to these social difficulties, Hegel had to deal with the problem of the decrepit Nuremberg school system itself. An official Bavarian report in 1807 on the state of the Nuremberg schools had essentially declared them to be worthless as preparatory schools for any higher study (such as the university) and argued that the four existing schools would have to be completely rebuilt from the ground up, administratively and pedagogically. They were described as being utterly backward, run by antiquated guilds, and taught according to outmoded models of pedagogy. (The report noted quite caustically, for example, that “outside of the Bible and the songbook, no new useful manual of religion has been introduced. The teachers are mostly old and wholly useless.”)^^ But there were also some encouraging signs which offered Hegel hope in his new job. The local school commissioner to whom he had to answer was Heinrich Paulus, the rationalist theologian, who was not only an old friend from Jena but was also yet another fellow Swabian graduate of the Seminary in Tubingen; Paulus even wrote Hegel a nice congratulatory letter telling him how happy he was to learn that Hegel was to be in Nuremberg.Unfortunately, and unknown to Hegel at the time, the reformers in Munich really had no idea what things cost and were embarking on too many plans and issuing too many directives for which they simply did not have the money. Indeed, Hegel could not have known that because the reformers themselves did not know it; the result was that by 1811, the Bavarian kingdom was running a debt of 120 million Guilder.^"* Paulus jested to Hegel that as an idealist, Hegel would keep all of them free of contamination by “the material, dirty essence of Mammon,” joking (in English!) to Hegel, “God damn all the Idealism.But little did both of them know just how bad things really were. It had taken the whole set of Napoleonic reforms for France finally to get a realistic hold on its own budget, on what things really cost, and on what kinds of revenues could be rationally predicted and assumed; the reformers in Bavaria were just beginners, and they were essentially groping in the dark, employing a mixture of small parts of more modern economics and lots of old fashioned cameralist assumptions, stirred together with large amounts of practical ignorance.
除了这些社会难题之外，黑格尔还得处理陈旧的纽伦堡学校制度问题。一份1807年巴伐利亚政府关于纽伦堡学校状况的官方报告宣称，这些学校作为对于更高层次学习（例如大学）的预科学校来说本质上是毫无价值的，力主现存的四所大学预科学校将必须完全推倒重建，在管理上和教学上将必须另起炉灶。它们被形容成是彻头彻尾的老牛拉破车，因为它们由陈旧保守的行会管理，遵循老掉牙的教育模式进行教学。（该报告同样还尖锐地指出，例如，“除了《圣经》和赞美诗集外，没有介绍新的有用的宗教手册。绝大多数教师年龄偏大，根本不管用。”）“可是，同样也存在着一些令人欢欣鼓舞的景象，使黑格尔对新的工作怀有希望。黑格尔必须适应的当地学校专员是海因里希·保卢斯这位理性主义神学家，保卢斯不仅是一位来自耶拿的黑格尔老友，而且是另一位毕业于图宾根神学院的同胞斯瓦比亚人；保卢斯甚至还给黑格尔写了一封贺信，欣喜地告诉黑格尔当他得知黑格尔要来纽伦堡执教时他是何等开心。”令人遗憾的是，那时黑格尔有所不知的是，慕尼黑改革者确实没有想到要付出多大代价，他们在制定太多的计划和发布太多的指示，而他们根本没有资金使得这些计划付诸实施和使得这些指示落到实处。实际上，黑格尔不可能知道这些，因为改革者自己也不知晓这些；结果是，到1811年，巴伐利亚王国负债1.2亿盾。保卢斯开玩笑地和黑格尔说，身为一个唯心主义者，黑格尔应该出污泥而不染，因为“钱财本质上是物质的和肮脏的”，他和黑格尔（用英语！）开玩笑说，“上帝谴责一切唯心论。”但是他们俩其实几乎都不知道事情确实是多么糟糕。正是采用了整套拿破仑的改革，法国才最终实际上掌控了它自己的预算，掌控了真正的开销，掌控了可以理性地预测和假定何种税收；巴伐利亚改革者恰恰是先驱者，他们本质上是在黑暗中摸索，他们把现代经济学的小的部分与很多旧式财政学家的假定混为一体，而在实践中伴随着大量操作上的无知。
Difficulties with Teaching Duties
教学职责的困境
In addition to these difficulties, Hegel also had to assume his duties with very little information about what they were or even what he was supposed to be teaching. Everything was put off until the last minute, so that Hegel in effect had to begin his term as rector and professor by improvising on an almost daily basis. only at the very end of November did he learn in a letter from Paulus what the “General Normative” was to require him to implement, and on December 5, 1808, Paulus opened the Gymnasium with a celebratory speech, with Hegel shortly thereafter - December 12, 1808 - officially beginning instruction in the Gymnasium.
除了上述困难之外，黑格尔还必须在信息非常闭塞的情况下承担起他的职责，这里的信息涉及他的职责是什么，甚至他必将进行何种教学。每件事情都被拖延到了最后一刻，因此，黑格尔实质上必须在新学期一开始就既当校长又做教授，不得不几乎都是临时准备当天的课程。只是在11月底，他才从保卢斯的来信中获悉需要他贯彻何种“通用规范”。1808年12月5日，保卢斯在高级中学开学典礼上发表了庆祝演讲，并宣布自那之后不久——1808年12月12日——黑格尔正式开始在高级中学的教学生涯。
The chaos of the financial arrangements concerning the Gymnasium became apparent to Hegel immediately on assuming office. Directly after having been sworn in, Hegel began to note that the promised money and resources necessary to run the new institution of the Agidien-Gymnaisium (so named for the church next to it, the Agidien Church on the Agidienberg) were wholly lacking. The walls were stained, lots of details had been neglected, and money to take care of those things was simply unavailable. Unfortunately, things did not improve in this regard very rapidly. During his tenure as rector, Hegel accumulated a long list of legitimate complaints that he had regularly to lodge with the relevant authorities: His salary would often go unpaid for months; because his salary was not paid, he had to take out loans simply to live; he had to meet school expenses out of his own pocket; the bookseller for the students charged them more for the books than did other booksellers; there was no copyist (or secretarial assistant, as we might say today), so Hegel had to copy out all the mounds of official paperwork himself (“the most annoying aspect of my office ... a dreadful and repugnant waste of time,” he called it);^'’ and the list just grew and grew.
黑格尔在思考自己的职责时，很快看出高级中学财务安排十分混乱。在宣誓就职之后，黑格尔紧接着开始注意到，之前承诺用于运作新阿吉丁高级中学（这样命名的依据是阿吉丁高级中学附近的一座教堂，即阿吉丁贝格的阿吉丁教堂）的必需款项和资源只不过是一张口头支票而已。墙上污迹斑斑，办学的很多细节问题没有得到应有的重视，那些用于处理这些事情的资金根本就没有着落。令人遗憾的是，在这方面有些事情没有得到很快改善。在作为校长的任期内，黑格尔积累了一张很长的清单，列出了他定期向相关领导提出的合理合法的投诉。他的薪水竟然常常几个月都领不到；因为没有人发给他薪水，所以他不得不纯粹靠拿贷款维持生计；他不得不自掏腰包支付学校开销；提供学生用书的书商向学生收费要比其他书商高；学校没有抄写员（或助理秘书，像我们当今可能称呼的），所以黑格尔不得不亲自抄写成堆的全部官方文书（“我工作中最烦恼的方面……糟糕透顶和令人讨厌的时间浪费”，像他称之的）；那张清单恰恰变得越来越长。
Moreover, there had been a confusion at the outset regarding the size of Hegel’s salary. Hegel had actually taken a cut in salary to move from Bamberg to Nuremberg, and Nuremberg’s cost of living was higher. His remuneration was supposed to include goo Guilders as professor, 100 Guilders as rector, and free lodging - he had been making over 1,300 Guilders as a newspaper editor in Bamberg - but the local administrator had interpreted this as 900 Guilders and free lodging or no lodging and an extra too Guilders; lodging, as Hegel noted, would itself come out to at least too Guilders. A bit piqued by all this, Hegel told Niethammer, “If this is the case I must confess that I would gladly cede the rectorship to anybody” and that if the administrator’s interpretation would allowed to stand, “I have to request you to take the rectorship away from me.”^’ An extra too Guilders for being rector did not seem nearly enough to make it worth the trouble.
再者，在开始时黑格尔薪水数额就是一笔糊涂账。从班堡调到纽伦堡，黑格尔实际上削减了薪水，因为纽伦堡的生活花销比较高。他的报酬应该包括当教授的900盾，当校长的100盾和免费住房——他当班堡报编辑收入超过1300盾——但是当地行政官员解释道，上述三项报酬加在一起应付给黑格尔900盾和提供免费住房，或不提供免费住房而额外补助100盾；住房，像黑格尔指出的，本身通常至少需要100盾。由于被所有这些弄得有点生气，黑格尔对尼特哈默尔直言：“如果事情是这样的话，那么我必须承认我很乐意把这个校长职位让给其他人”，那么我必须承认如果行政官员的解释会站得住脚的话，“那么我不得不请求殿下撤销我的校长职务”，额外给校长100盾看来好像几乎并不足以证明会带来什么麻烦事。
Of all these things, the one that seemed to Hegel to sum up the shortcomings of the new Bavarian order was the fact that no toilets at all were installed in any of the buildings housing any of the schools; and the idea that there were no toilets in a building in which schoolchildren were supposed to spend the entire day was, well, just ludicrous: Reporting back to Niethammer, Hegel sarcastically said of the toiletless state of affairs obtaining in the Nuremberg schools that “this is a new dimension of public education, the importance of which I have just now discovered - so to speak, its hind side.”^* With equal sarcasm, Hegel added that it would be nice to manage to have the requisite toilets installed, “provided, of course, they are actually installed and not just decreed,” and, adding to his reflections on the difficulties awaiting him, “you will be able to imagine for yourself how little such shabby external conditions . . . are geared to instilling the confidence of the public, seeing that provision has been made for nothing, and that money is lacking everywhere.For Hegel, it had not been an auspicious beginning; and the toilet problem itself was to endure for years.
关于所有这些事情，在黑格尔看来其中有一件事情可算作是新巴伐利亚政府管理方面的全部弊端，这就是在任何一所学校的教学楼内都没有卫生间；认为教学楼内要是有卫生间那学生必然整天待在卫生间中，这种想法恰恰是非常荒唐可笑的。在向尼特哈默尔作汇报时，黑格尔不无讥讽地说到纽伦堡学校存在的无卫生间这件事情：“这是公共教育的新维度，它的重要性刚刚被我发现——可以说，它的隐藏面。”以同样的挖苦，黑格尔补充说设法把必要的卫生间配备到位应该是一件好事，“当然，倘若卫生间实际上得以配备而不只是下发配备卫生间的一纸空文”，并且，针对他即将面临的困难的思考加以补充道，“你将能够设身处地地想象这样艰难的办学条件……几乎是多么不适合增加师生的自信，因为什么供应品也没有，到处都缺钱”。对于黑格尔，这不是一个幸运的开始；卫生间问题本身注定拖了多年也未解决。
Hegel’s Success as Administrator and Teacher
黑格尔成为成功的管理者和教师
But despite the practical obstacles - which, as his letters make clear, irritated him to no end - he managed to put the Gymnasium on a successful footing and to instill confidence in it. As one of his first acts he managed to shift around some of the less productive faculty members without antagonizing them at the same time. For example, he notes that he had “to remove Professor Buchner, who understands nothing of algebra, from teaching mathematics to the upperclassmen and to put him in charge of religious studies and the doctrine of obligations for the lower classmen.”'^” Hegel quickly gained the respect of the children, addressing the older students as “Mister” {Herr), a way of treating them with respect so that they would come to think of themselves as selfdirecting young adults and no longer as children in tutelary care. (In that way, he was being consistent with the post-Kantian pedagogical goals he and Niethammer shared, that education should be aimed at treating people as ends in themselves and fostering a sense of selfrespect.) He maintained a sense of discipline and order in his classes and put great stress on being able to take good dictation and render things into good, clear German. (His own speech, as the students and his colleagues remembered, was itself thick with his Swabian accent and laden with Swabian expressions.^' Hegel’s own attitude toward his Swabian accent and mannerisms was typical of his self-distancing nature; he even once good-naturedly told the Frommanns that their nephew, who was going to visit Stuttgart, “at first will doubt whether [its Swabian inhabitants] actually speak German.
但是，尽管实际上存在着某些阻碍——它们弄得他非常恼火，像他的信件中表明的——他却力图使高级中学走上正轨并力图使高级中学建立自信。作为他的首批措施之一，他设法调整一些教学成果较少的教员的工作岗位，同时设法不使他们产生敌对情绪。举例来说，他提出他不得不“调整不懂代数的比希纳教授的工作，把他从教授高年级学生的数学调到掌管低年级学生宗教学习和义务学说的岗位上”。黑格尔很快获得了学生们的尊重，他称呼年长的学生为“先生”（Herr），以尊敬的方式对待他们，这样他们就会开始把自己当作能够自我指导的青年人看待，而不再把自己当作需要守护式照顾的孩子看待了。（在这方面，他是与他和尼特哈默尔所共同具有的后康德哲学教育学目标相一致的，这就是教育应该旨在本质上把人当作目的看待，应该旨在培养自尊感。）他主张学生课堂上应该具有纪律和秩序感，并着重强调学生应该能够进行良好的口头表达，用良好而清晰的德文描述事物。（他自己的讲话本身，像他的弟子和同仁不会忘记的，带有浓重的斯瓦比亚口音且充满斯瓦比亚人的表达。对于自己斯瓦比亚口音和表述习惯的态度，黑格尔认为这是他自己特有的自我疏远的本性；他甚至曾经和蔼地告诉弗罗曼一家人，他们家的外甥将去参观斯图加特，“起初会怀疑[斯图加特的斯瓦比亚人]是否确实是在说德语。”）
His students remembered him as an inspiring teacher; after dictating things to them, he encouraged the students to discuss what had been dictated, to learn to think for themselves and to ask questions: One student remembered that “each could demand to speak and seek to assert his opinion vis-a-vis the others; the rector himself only instructively stepped in now and then in order to guide the discussion.Just as he had done at Jena, he paid much attention to his students and their needs, even though these students were much younger and obviously not nearly as advanced as the university students at Jena. once a year, all the students in the Gymnasium — which in 1811, for example, amounted to 126 children - had to bring all their work, including their homework, to the rector, who would read all of it and make personal recommendations for improvement, would discuss with them the books they were reading outside of class, offer them tips for better study, and praise them for the progress they were making (when they were making any, which was frequent).(All this was carried out in addition to his other administrative duties as rector, his sixteen hours a week teaching philosophy, and his own private work on the Logid) He was also particularly remembered for his concern and care for students who came from backgrounds of slender means, a concern that stayed with him all his life.35
他的学生们不会忘记他是一位循循善诱的老师；在让学生们听写一些内容之后，他会鼓励学生们讨论听写的内容，会鼓励学生们学会独立思考和学会提问题。有个学生回忆道：“每位学生都可以要求发言和试图面对其他同学坚持自己的观点；校长自己只是偶尔指导性地插话以引导学生讨论问题。”正像他在耶拿时做的，他在对学生及其需求上花了不少精力，尽管这些学生比起耶拿大学生更加年轻且显然几乎不像耶拿大学生那样要求上进。一年一次，所有的高级中学学生——例如1811年高级中学学生总计126人——都必须把他们的全部作业（其中包括他们的家庭作业）带给校长，校长总是阅读所有作业且提出个人的修改建议，总是跟学生们讨论学生们阅读的课外书籍，总是给出学生们更好的学习意见，总是称赞学生们不断取得的进步（当学生们取得任何点滴进步时，他常常大加称赞）。以上所做的这些都是校长管理职责之外的事情，每周他竟然还要花16个小时讲授哲学课和撰写他自己的《逻辑学》这部著作。特别令人难忘的还有他对那些出自贫寒家庭的学生的关心和照顾，他终身都在践行这种关心。
Schelling’s friend Gottlob Schubert, who also knew Hegel in Nuremberg, reminisced later that those who knew Hegel only “from his writings or in his lecture hall” simply could not know “how amiable this man was in his personal relations” and, like many others, remembered especially well Hegel’s sense of humor and, interestingly, his very characteristic smile.“ Indeed, the reminiscences of the students in those days attest to an ongoing feature of Hegel’s personality that was often at odds with other descriptions of him. He had always been a bad public speaker and lecturer; even at the Seminary in Tubingen, his sermons had been given low marks. The writer Clemens Brentano described him in 1810 as the “honest, wooden Hegel” in Nuremberg, a not untypical description.^’ But others in descriptions and recollections continually remarked on Hegel’s amiability and sociability along with his honesty, sincerity, and uprightness. Hegel almost certainly had a very common type of speech impediment; when he had to speak formally before groups, he was led either to stutter or to lecture in slow, groping monotones; his (apparently well deserved) reputation for being a bad lecturer seemed to stem mainly from that. However, in personal situations, he seemed to be quite at ease and not troubled by such matters, again typical for such a speech impediment. And, like the nineteenthcentury man he was, he had a very keen sense of privacy, becoming uncomfortable when people became very personal with him in what he regarded as public situations. In the small-class situations of the Nuremberg Gymnasium his difficulties in public speaking, however, seem not to have played a role, probably because of the age of the students and the necessarily more relaxed way in which he presented his ideas; in the Gymnasium classroom, he seems to have been both fluid and friendly in his demeanor.
谢林的友人戈特洛布·舒伯特也是在纽伦堡认识黑格尔的，他后来回忆说，那些仅仅是“从黑格尔的作品和讲堂上”了解黑格尔的人们，他们简直不可能知道“此公待人是何等和蔼可亲”，并且戈特洛布·舒伯特，跟很多其他人一样，记得特别清楚的是黑格尔的幽默感和他那有趣的富有特征的微笑。实际上，那个时代的学生对黑格尔的回忆证明黑格尔向来的人格特点常常是与其他人对黑格尔的描述是有出入的。他始终被看作拙于在公众面前讲演和讲课；甚至就连在图宾根神学院，他的讲课也得不到高分。作家克莱门斯·布伦塔诺1810年把纽伦堡时期的黑格尔形容成是“正直而固执的”，这堪称是个典型的描述。而其他人对于黑格尔的描述和回忆仍然评价黑格尔和蔼可亲和善于交际，连同他的诚实、真诚、正直。黑格尔几乎肯定具有极其常见型的讲演障碍；当他不得不面对人群正式讲演时，他的讲演不是结结巴巴就是讲演速度过慢，令人觉得非常单调；他作为一个笨拙讲演者的（显然是完全应得的）名声看来好像主要源于这方面的问题。不过，在私底下，他看似悠然自得且不会被这样一些障碍所困扰，这样的一种演说障碍再次堪称他的典型的人格特征。而且，跟所有19世纪他的同辈们一样，他对隐私极其敏感，在他所看作的公共场合下，当人们跟他极其私密地互动时，他会觉得很不自在。可是，在纽伦堡高级中学小班上，他在公开演说中的障碍似乎消失得无影无踪，这大概是因为学生年纪较小以及他在表达他的想法时采用必要的无拘无束的方式；在高级中学的课堂上，他看来好像行为举止既落落大方也非常得体。
Hegel's Public Addresses
黑格尔的公开演讲
Very quickly he succeeded in convincing both students and parents that the Agidien-Gymnasium had been restored to its former glory. Just as he had done in Bamberg, Hegel managed to secure a place for himself in the social structure of the city rather quickly, which in a traditionbound former imperial city such as Nuremberg was itself no small feat. Hegel, moreover, made his goals and pedagogy publicly available and clear from the outset. In his address at the farewell festivities for the retiring rector (a Mr. Schenk) whose place Hegel was taking, Hegel returned to the ideas of self-direction and self-cultivation (of Bildung) that animated both his and Niethammer’s conception of education: Stating the matter a bit floridly, as was the custom for such occasions, he said, “The value of cultivation, self-formation {Bildung) is so great that one ot the ancients wished to say that the difference between a cultivated {gebildeten) person and an uncultivated one is as great as that between people in general and rocks,” and added, “The riches of Bildung are given over to the teaching estate ... to sustain and transmit to posterity. The teacher must look at himself as the guardian and priest of this holy light so that it does not go out and that humanity not sink back into the night of ancient barbarism.”^*
他很快就成功地使学生和家长确信阿吉丁高级中学已经重现往日辉煌。正像他之前在班堡设法做的，黑格尔很快设法在纽伦堡城市社会机构中为自己开辟了一片天地，这本身在昔日深受传统束缚的帝国城市如纽伦堡就是不小的业绩。不止于此，黑格尔一开始就使自己的目标和教育方法变成公众看得见摸得着的东西。在老校长申克先生（他的职位由黑格尔接替）退休欢送宴会上，黑格尔回过头来强调（教化的）自我指导和自我修养的观点，这就使他自己的和尼特哈默尔的教育观念变得栩栩如生。陈述这个问题有点俗气，这样的场合下的风俗习惯也是有点俗气的，他说道：“修养、自我建构（Bildung）的价值十分重大，以至于有位古人想要说受过教育的（gebildeten）人与未受过教育的人之间的差距大到像常人与岩石之间的差距一样”，他补充道：“教养的财富传留给教师阶层……保持且代代相传。老师必须把自己当作神圣明灯的守护者和牧师看待，如此而来神圣明灯就不会熄灭，人类也就不会退回到古代未开化的黑暗时期。”
At the beginning of his tenure, Hegel had to make a yearly public address at the ceremony marking the end of the school year at which the academic prizes for that year were awarded (a kind of annual graduation address). In those addresses, he spoke to a gathering of the students, their parents, and the various Nuremberg notables who would assemble for such occasions; the addresses give a clear idea both of what Hegel wanted to communicate to the public about his goals for the Gymnasium and of his own pedagogical methods. Given the way in which Hegel came to be accepted in Nuremberg society, we must presume not only that he did succeed in actually communicating his views, but also that he succeeded in both convincing and reassuring the parents that the rector who had been brought in from the outside was in fact right for the job.
在校长任期之初，黑格尔不得不每年一次在标志学年结束的典礼上做授予校奖学金的公开演说（一种每年毕业时的演说）。在这类演说中，黑格尔对济济一堂的学生、家长、纽伦堡各路贵族（他们通常会为了这样的场合集合）发表讲演；演讲提供一种清晰的想法，这就是黑格尔想把他关于高级中学的目标和他自己的教学方法跟大家交流分享。考虑到黑格尔借以逐渐得到纽伦堡社会的认可的方式，我们必须相信不仅他确实成功地真正地传达了自己的看法，而且他同样成功地使家长确信和向家长再三保证，这位从外地调来的校长其实在工作上是可圈可点的。
In his first such address, delivered in September, 1809, Hegel faced the formidable task of convincing a somewhat skeptical public and set of parents of the value of what he was doing. He began by noting the obvious, that people care more about their children than anything else and that the Gymnasium's task was to help their children develop into young adults suited for higher learning. He then sounded the clarion call for the Niethammer-Hegelian modernizing line of thought. The new Gymnasium was to build on the foundations of classical humanist learning, which, he assured the parents and public, amounted to sustaining and continuing the illustrious humanistic foundations and traditions of the older Gymnasium. But the goal of the new foundation of the older Gymnasium was to “fulfill the truest need of the time . . . putting the ancients into a new relationship with the whole and in that way sustaining what is essential in them as well as altering and renewing them.”^'^
在1809年9月首次发表这样的演说时，黑格尔面临着令人望而生畏的任务，这就是他必须使多少有点带着质疑眼光的公众相信他的领导能力和使许多家长确信他做的事情是有价值的。他开门见山地指出显而易见的是：家长们最在意的是他们自己的子女；高级中学的任务就是有助于他们的子女被培养成适合接受高等教育的青年。接下来，他竭力宣扬尼特哈默尔—黑格尔式现代化思路。他向家长们和公众保证，新高级中学将为学生打下古典人文主义学术基础，这就等于保留和继承老高级中学的杰出的人文主义基础和传统。不过老高级中学的新基础的目标是“满足时代的最真实的需要……使古代的东西置身于与整体相联系的新的关系中，用这样的方法保持古代的东西的本质以及改变和复兴古代的东西”。
Hegel proposed two ways to accomplish this. First, instruction would be carried out in German, not in Latin, as the old so-called Latin schools in Germany had done: Hegel repeated in similar words what he had told Heinrich Voss in 1805 when he was inquiring about the possibility of an appointment at Heidelberg: “No people can be regarded as cultivated {gebildet),^’’ as Hegel put it in 1809, “that cannot express all the riches of science in their own language” for when instruction is in a foreign language, we necessarily lack the “innerness {Innigheity that allows us to be at home with the knowledge we seek."^”
黑格尔提出两种方式以实现这个目标。第一，教育指导应该用德文发布，而不以拉丁文发布，像德国旧时所谓的“拉丁文”学校做的一样：黑格尔以类似的话语重复了他1805年告诉海因里希·福斯的东西，那时他询问在海德堡谋得职位的可能性。像黑格尔1809年论述的：“如果人们不能用他们自己的语言来表达科学的全部丰富内容，那么人们就不能被看作是有教养（gebildet）的”，因为，当教育指导是以外语表达时，我们必然缺少“真诚”（Innigkeit），而“真诚”恰恰使我们能够娴熟地驾驭我们所追寻的知识。
Second, the superiority of classical training, particularly in Greek, was to be emphasized in the new school. Hegel’s public justification for this was striking, if for no other reason than for its continued application of clearly secularized versions of religious references. First, classical works, he says, are the “profane baptism that gives the soul the first and unforgettable tone and tincture for taste and science.”"^' The study of the ancients thus inspires us and in a good way alienates us from our ordinary way of looking at things, making us ready to become selfforming, cultivated people - people, that is, of Bildungd^ Second, and more importantly, classical works present us with an ideal of beauty, indeed, they are the “most beautiful that have been.”
第二，古典文学训练的优越性，特别是希腊文学训练的优越性，应该被新学校加以重点强调。黑格尔对公众阐述这样做的合理性给人留下深刻的印象，如果没有其他理由，那么新学校将会继续沿用显然带有世俗色彩的老版宗教教材。首先，古典著作，黑格尔说，意味着“世俗洗礼，世俗洗礼赋予灵魂关于鉴赏力和科学的首要而难以忘怀的情调和气息”。因此，研究古代经典作家，可以激励我们以良好的方式远离我们看待事物的日常方式，使我们乐于变成自我建构的有教养的人——也即变成有修养的人。其次，更为重要的，古典著作向我们展示了美好的理想，更确切地说，古典著作是“迄今为止人们见到过的最美的东西”。
In characterizing the Greeks in this way, Hegel brought into play a phrase which had functioned as common rhetoric in Germany in general and Wiirttemberg in particular, namely, “the beautiful soul.” The usage of the phrase “the beautiful soul” had originally been wholly religious, but the phrase had undergone a gradual secularization during the early modern period (particularly by the earl of Shaftesbury) and had then been used in the eighteenth century to describe the Greeks in particular. Picking up on this, Hegel claimed, “If the original paradise was that of human nature, then this is the second, the higher paradise of the human spirit, which in its more beautiful naturalness, freedom, depth, and serenity steps forth like the bride from her chamber”'*^ - that metaphor of the beautiful virginal “bride” having been the characteristic symbol of the beautiful soul for centuries.”^ This shows that Hegel, who had criticized the idea of the “beautiful soul” so trenchantly in his Phenomenology of Spirit, was still at least partially in its grip (unless, of course. he was just playing to his audience, which, given everything else we know about Hegel, seems unlikely).
以上述方式刻画希腊人的特征，黑格尔运用一个通常在德国特别是在符腾堡起着共同的修辞作用的短语，即“优美的灵魂”。“优美的灵魂”这个短语的用法最初完全是宗教上的用法，但是这个短语在现代初期（特别是到沙夫茨伯里伯爵时代）经历了一个逐渐世俗化的过程，接着在18世纪该短语被专门用来描述希腊人。在认识到这一点之后，黑格尔声称：“如果说原初的天堂是人性的天堂的话，那么这是第二个天堂或人类精神的更高层次的天堂，这个天堂因其更美好的天性、自由、深度和平静而宛如新娘步出新房。”——多少世纪以来，美丽纯洁的“新娘”这个比喻一直成为优美灵魂的富有特征的标志。这就表明，黑格尔——在《精神现象学》中对“优美的灵魂”思想作了极其尖锐批判的黑格尔——仍然至少片面地把握他的《精神现象学》（当然，除非他只是表演给他的听众们看的，而鉴于我们所了解的黑格尔的其他一切东西，表演说看来好像是不可能的）。
Learning the classical languages has another advantage, Hegel argued. It brings youth to a greater awareness of the nature of the kind of logical categories they use, since “grammar has the [logical] categories, the unique creations and determinations of the intellect, for its content.” Everyone can “distinguish red from blue without knowing how to give a definition of them according to Newtonian hypotheses” but we have Bildung vis-a-vis them only when “we have them, i.e., have made them an object of consciousness.”^^ The study of the ancients thus also contributes to our “logical formation {Bildung)."'*^
学习古典语言还有一个优点，黑格尔论证道。 它能够让青年学子更大程度上意识到他们所使用的逻辑范畴种类的本质，因为“语法因自己的内容而具有[逻辑]范畴或理智的独特创造性和确定性”。每个人都能“区分红色和蓝色，纵使他们不知道如何依据牛顿假说对蓝色和红色作出定义”。但是，只有当我们“具有红色和蓝色、也就是，使得红色和蓝色变成意识的对象的时候”，“我们才能具有关于蓝色和红色的知识。对于古典著作的学习因此同样有助于我们的‘逻辑构成’”。
In closing, Hegel sounded a fully modernist note. One of the catch phrases to emerge from the Revolution was the idea of “careers open to talent.” Hegel closed his remarks by addressing the students directly, saying that the purpose of the Gymnasium was to bring that ideal to Germany, to make it practicable in Germany, so “that in our fatherland every career stands open to your talents and diligence, but it is only practicable for those who deserve it.”'^’
在演讲快要结束时，黑格尔发出了一种完全现代主义的呼声。 从法国大革命中诞生的流行口号之一是“任人唯贤”的思想。黑格尔以直接向学生们寄语结束了他的评论，他说高级中学的目的就在于把这样的理想带到德国，就在于使它在德国变得切实可行，这样的话，“在我们的祖国，每一份职业都向你们这些勤奋的有才能的人敞开怀抱，但是它只对那些配得上它的人来说才是切实可行的。”
Nuremberg Rebellions
纽伦堡叛乱
Although Hegel had come to Nuremberg secure in his belief that Napoleon had crushed the conservative resistance to the Revolution’s demands, events quickly reminded him that the story was far from over. Napoleon’s imperial ambitions grew, and he overextended himself, going into Spain on the pretext of needing to defend the Spanish coast against the British. (He also wanted to put his brother on the throne of Spain, a motive not unimportant to his decision.) At first, the Spanish adventure seemed to be working itself out as the typical Napoleonic success, but then to his surprise, the Spanish revolted and engaged him in guerrilla warfare, something to which he was not accustomed, and in July, 1808, a French army of 18,000 men was forced to capitulate to Spanish forces at the town of Bailen, an astonishing event noted throughout Europe. Napoleon was able to reinstate his brother as king in December, 1808, but the costs were excessive. In Italy in the same year, Napoleon annexed Rome, and when Pope Pius VII excommunicated him, Napoleon had him seized and put him under the equivalent of house arrest in a highly guarded residence in Savona. These events did not neutralize the Pope, as Napoleon had wished to do, but instead made him into a Catholic martyr. The Austrians, sensing a weakness in Napoleon’s ranks, thus declared war in 1809, with the declaration of war being authored by Friedrich Schlegel, Hegel’s old nemesis from Jena, who had since (along with his wife) moved to Austria, converted to Catholicism, and become more or less a propagandist for the Habsburgs. The authorities in Austria tried to cast their cause in the name of “Germany” and to foment a kind of popular guerrilla war in Germany like that which had come to pass in Spain. In Schlegel’s “Proclamation to the Bavarians,” a piece of Austrian war propaganda, he asserted that “We [Austrians] are Germans every bit as much as you are. . . . All those who are imbued with a true German patriotism will be powerfully supported, and, if they so deserve, richly rewarded by their former emperor, who did not resign his German heart along with his German crown.Napoleon, however, once more proved master of the situation and, even after being wounded in one battle and then suffering his first defeat at Aspern, managed to capitalize on Austrian mistakes and defeat the Austrians at Wagram in July 1809. His army smoothly rolled into Vienna (after having been driven out only a short while before), and Napoleon was able to impose a punishing treaty on Austria.
尽管黑格尔最终来到纽伦堡且坚信拿破仑已经粉碎了保守派对于法国大革命的要求的抵抗，有些事件却很快使黑格尔意识到这个事件远没有结束。拿破仑的帝国野心日益膨胀，他开始变得飘飘然，以需要保卫西班牙沿海抵抗英国人为借口而率部进入西班牙。（他也想让胞弟当上西班牙国君，这个动机对他的决策是非常重要的。）起初，西班牙冒险看来好像堪称典型的拿破仑式成功，但是使他吃惊的是，西班牙人进行反抗，使他陷入游击战，游击战并不为拿破仑所适应。1808年7月，18000名法军士兵在拜伦镇被迫向西班牙军队缴械投降，这个令人震惊的事件使得整个欧洲为之瞩目。拿破仑于1808年12月立胞弟为国王，但是代价甚大。同年在意大利，拿破仑吞并了罗马，当罗马教皇庇护七世开除拿破仑教籍的时候，拿破仑逮捕了庇护七世，把教皇庇护七世关押在萨沃纳一个受到高度监视的住处，这实际上无异于囚禁教皇庇护七世。这些事件并没有像拿破仑想要做到的那样镇住教皇庇护七世，而反倒使教皇庇护七世成了天主教殉教者。奥地利人觉得在拿破仑格局中处于劣势地位，因此在1809年对法军宣战，宣战书由黑格尔耶拿时期宿敌弗里德里希·施莱格尔起草。施莱格尔（和妻子一起）移居奥地利以后皈依天主教，或多或少变成了哈布斯堡皇室的吹鼓手。奥地利官方试图以“德国”的名义为由，在德国发起一场全民皆兵式的游击战，像曾经发生在西班牙的游击战争一样。在施莱格尔的“致巴伐利亚人号召书”这份奥地利战争檄文中，施莱格尔坚称：“我们[奥地利人]和你们一样是正宗的德国人……凡是充满一种真正的德国爱国精神的人都将会得到鼎力支持，与此同时，如果他们理应得到昔日君主的丰厚奖赏，那么他们就不应该抛弃自己的德国心和德国君主。”可是，拿破仑再度证明了他对时局的掌控，甚至在一次战斗中负伤，继而遭受了在阿斯佩恩首次失利之后，他仍然设法利用奥地利的错误且在1809年7月在瓦格拉姆击败了奥地利军队。（在先前被驱逐很短时间后）他的军队顺利挺进维也纳，同时拿破仑把一个惩罚性的条约强加给奥地利。
Hegel, who had never liked Schlegel, now thoroughly and utterly detested him, and he could barely contain himself at the defeat suffered by the Austrians. Playing on Schlegel’s stated desire to “liberate” Bavaria, Hegel said, with a certain amount of what the Germans call Schadenfreude, “the opposite liberation of Friedrich Schlegel with his Catholicization of all of us has gone down the drain, and he may consider himself lucky if only the gallows remain liberated from him.”^^ He was, however, a bit rattled by the events in Nuremberg that were related to the war with Austria. An Austrian division reached Nuremberg in June 1809, and the French forces in the town had to retreat. On June 26, 1809, as Hegel was writing a letter to Niethammer to complain as usual about the lack of a copyist and the idiotic bureaucratic decrees that Bavarian officials were issuing for running the schools, the Austrians took control of the city. Matters were made worse when Countess von Thiirheim imprudently referred to the Austrians in a public gathering as “a bunch of hirelings (Gesindef) made up of cobblers, tailors, and linen weavers {Schustern, Schneidern und Leinwehern)," and thereby managed to insult, enrage, and alienate the assembled Nuremberg artisans, many of whom still had greater feelings for the former emperor of the Holy Roman Empire than they did for their new king in Munich.^" Outraged, the offended artisans rushed out to open one of the gates to the city and allow the Austrian troops to enter, at which point things began to get a bit out of hand. The Austrian troops and some townspeople went on something of a rampage, focusing their destructive energies in particular on a building housing Bavarian officials. The Bavarian insignias were torn down, and the whole place was sacked. Count von Thiirheim, the Bavarian governor of the district, was seized by what some called the “rabble” and was then taken prisoner by the Austrians, who took him and a few other prominent Nuremberg officials as hostages when they had to retreat to Bayreuth. (They also took quite a bit of Nuremberg money and goods with them.) Even though the hostages were freed after the later and rather sudden Austrian retreat from Bayreuth, von Thiirheim’s career in Nuremberg was finished as a result of the fiasco, and he had to move on. Nuremberg’s sympathy for the Austrians, however, did not go unnoticed in Munich, and in the reorganization of Bavaria in 1810, Nuremberg was no longer allowed to remain the governmental seat of a Bavarian department, with Ansbach instead gaining that title.
黑格尔，从不喜欢施莱格尔的黑格尔，现在更是满心讨厌施莱格尔。黑格尔对拿破仑被奥地利人打败几乎不能自已。实现施莱格尔陈述的“解放”巴伐利亚的愿望，黑格尔说，这在某种程度上等于德国人称之为的幸灾乐祸，“弗里德里希·施莱格尔的对立的解放连同他想要使我们所有人都皈依天主教，此二者是做不到的；他大概只要远离恐惧就自认为是幸运的。”然而，黑格尔被发生在纽伦堡的与奥地利战争相关的事件弄得有点忐忑不安。奥地利的一个师于1809年7月抵达纽伦堡，镇上的法国军队不得不撤退。1809年7月26日，黑格尔照常致信尼特哈默尔抱怨抄写员人手不够，抱怨巴伐利亚官员颁布的管理学校的白痴般的官僚政令，而此时奥地利人控制了纽伦堡城。事情变得更糟的是，此时蒂尔海姆伯爵鲁莽地把参加公开聚会的奥地利人说成是“一群由鞋匠、裁缝、亚麻布纺织者（Schuster, Schneider, Leineweber）组成的流氓（Gesinde）”，从而侮辱、激怒、疏远了纽伦堡手艺人，他们其中的很多人对昔日神圣罗马帝国皇帝仍怀有深情厚谊，而不是对慕尼黑新国君怀有深情厚谊。由于受到侮辱，手艺人奔出去打开了通往纽伦堡城的一道大门，并允许奥地利军队进驻。在这个关键时刻局势开始有点失去控制。奥地利军队和某些城里人引起暴乱，把精力特别集中在对一栋居住着巴伐利亚官方的官邸的破坏上。巴伐利亚徽章被扯了下来，整个官邸被洗劫一空。蒂尔海姆伯爵，这位巴伐利亚地区统治者，被一些所谓“乌合之众”抓了起来，接着成了奥地利人的阶下囚。当奥地利人不得不从拜罗伊特撤退时，他们掳走了蒂尔海姆伯爵和几位其他杰出的纽伦堡官员作为人质。（他们也掠夺了纽伦堡大量钱财和物品。）尽管人质在奥地利人突然从拜罗伊特撤退不久后就被释放，但是蒂尔海姆伯爵的纽伦堡官运却因此次惨败而告终，他不得不离开纽伦堡。不过，纽伦堡对奥地利人的同情并没有逃过慕尼黑的眼睛，在1810年对巴伐利亚重组后，纽伦堡不复被允许继续保留巴伐利亚部门的政府席位，而安斯巴赫则获得了这个资格。
Hegel reported on the incident of the brief Austrian seizure of Nuremberg to Niethammer, expressing utter and thorough outrage at the behavior of the Nuremberg citizenry.^' But at least for the time being, things had turned out well. On the one hand, Napoleonic Germany, to which Hegel was so firmly attached, had remained intact, and for the next couple of years would again seem perfectly secure. On the other hand, Hegel, with his clearly pro-Napoleonic sympathies, would have understandably been a bit nervous about his standing in a town that had witnessed such an outbreak of pro-Austrian sentiment and also a bit nervous about the stability of what he saw as the clearly more rational social order that Napoleon had brought to Germany.
黑格尔向尼特哈默尔简要汇报了奥地利人占领纽伦堡这一事件，并对纽伦堡公民的举动表达极大的愤慨：“但是，至少随着时间的推移，事情逐步出现转机。一方面，拿破仑统治下的德国，这个为黑格尔所坚定地依恋的德国，仍然是完 整无缺的，在随后几年中，德国将复又太平无事。另一方面，黑格尔，明显怀有亲拿破仑之心的黑格尔，可以理解他当然对自己对一个见证了亲奥地利情绪爆发的城市所持有的立场感到有点儿坐卧不安，同时可以理解他当然也对他所看到的一种由拿破仑带给德国的显然更为合理的社会秩序的稳定感到有点坐卧不安。”
As a result of all this Hegel became even a bit more troubled than before about his position in Nuremberg and about whether he would ever be able to get out of his rectorship and acquire the university position he really wanted. Hegel’s anxieties were certainly not lessened by observing the ongoing battles that Niethammer constantly had to fight with those who opposed the reforms and the several close calls Niethammer had, in which it looked as if Niethammer either would be forced out or would be impelled to resign in indignation over the whole state of affairs. Hegel’s hopes were raised when, out of the blue in 1809, he received a letter from a former student of his in Jena, Peter van Ghert, informing him that van Ghert now had a fairly high position in the government in Holland and had read in a Heidelberg newspaper of Hegel’s bad fortune after the devastation of Jena following the battle there. Proclaiming himself to be outraged at the very idea that Hegel “had been wholly ruined . . . that the best man in Germany” was no longer employed as a professor of philosophy, van Ghert offered to intervene for Hegel and procure for him a position at one of the soonto-be reorganized universities in Holland.(The lectures were given in Latin, van Ghert assured Hegel, so there would be no linguistic barriers for him.) Hegel was quite pleasantly surprised by all of this and reported back to van Ghert in December 1809 that he was not in fact ruined, that his position in Nuremberg was, moreover, “tolerable,” although he hoped only “temporary,” so that the offer of a position in Holland was not needed at that time. (Interestingly, Hegel noted that if he did indeed accept a position in Holland, he would intend to deliver lectures in Dutch soon thereafter, making the same point about the necessity of doing philosophy in one’s own language to van Ghert that he had made in his address at the closing of the school year in 1809.) Hegel’s rejection of van Ghert’s offer to help him secure a position in Holland did not stop him, however, from using it as a tool to put pressure on Niethammer to secure a position for him at a Bavarian university, all to no avail.Van Ghert’s efforts to attract Hegel to Holland, however, did not end there but persisted over the next several years; indeed, van Ghert’s patronage and his spirited defenses of Hegelianism made Holland one of the early places where a Hegelian school of thought sprang up.
由于上述这些事件，黑格尔对于他在纽伦堡的地位比以往更加使他感到苦恼，同样使他感到苦恼的是他是否将能够卸掉校长职务而弄到他真正想要的大学职位。黑格尔注意到了尼特哈默尔必须不断与反对改革的人进行的斗争和尼特哈默尔近来做出的几次号召，但是这些当然并没有减少黑格尔的焦虑，因此看来好像尼特哈默尔要么将会被迫打退堂鼓，要么将会被迫愤然辞掉他目前的所有职务。1809年，黑格尔重新燃起希望，因为此时他突然接到昔日耶拿时期的学生彼得·梵·根尔特的一封信，信中写道他现在在荷兰政府任高官，并且从海德堡报纸上获悉在战争中耶拿被毁后黑格尔运气不佳。在看到黑格尔“完全被毁了……德国最棒的人才不复被雇用为哲学教授”这条确切的消息时，梵·根尔特表示自己感到非常愤怒，愿意促成黑格尔来荷兰执教，为他在很快就要重组的荷兰大学弄个职位。（课程用拉丁文讲授，梵·根尔特向黑格尔保证，所以对于黑格尔不会有任何语言上的障碍。）黑格尔对所有这些感到十分惊喜，并于1809年12月回信梵·根尔特说他其实没有被毁掉，再者他在纽伦堡的职位是“过得去的”，尽管他希望这只是暂时的职位，所以他那时并不需要荷兰提供的职位。（有趣的是，黑格尔指出，如果他自己确实接受了荷兰的职位，那么他应该打算此后不久用荷兰语讲授课程，像他在1809年学年结束演讲中强调的那样，同样他会像梵·根尔特强调必须以自己的语言学习哲学这个观点。）可是，黑格尔婉拒梵·根尔特帮助他在荷兰谋得职位，此举并不妨碍黑格尔用去荷兰谋职这件事作为工具向尼特哈默尔施压，以便使尼特哈默尔替黑格尔在巴伐利亚大学弄到职位，不过所有这些都是白费心机。然而，梵·根尔特吸引黑格尔赴荷兰执教的努力并未就此结束，而一直持续了多年；更确切地说，梵·根尔特的恩惠和他在卖力地为黑格尔哲学所作的辩护，使得荷兰成为黑格尔思想学派较早传播的地方。
Education, Modern Life, and Modern Religion
Bildung, Discipline, and Education
教育、现代生活和现代宗教
教化、学科和教育
Hegel’s initial address at the closing of the school year in 1809 must have been a success, but for whatever reason he felt compelled to alter his tone a bit in 1810. In 1810, he stressed the importance of religious education, for which he gave a somewhat secular rationale, namely, that “participation in a public worship” links students to a “tradition and to old customs.Military practices, which had been introduced by governmental decree into the schools that year, were justified by Hegel as important for producing a well-rounded character. After all, he argued, a “cultivated {gebildeter) person has in fact not limited his nature to something in particular but rather has made himself capable of everything,” and moreover, such practices remind the student that he must be ready to “defend his fatherland or prince.(This was, of course, a theme that went back in Hegel’s thought at least to his essay “The German Constitution,” although the claim made in the 1810 address seems at best only half-hearted.)
黑格尔1809年在学年结束时的原初讲演想必是非常成功的，但是不管出于何种原因他觉得有必要在1810年讲演上改变一点基调。1810年，他强调宗教教育的重要性，为此他提供了一种有点世俗的解释，也即“参与公共祭拜”可以把学生与“传统和旧的习俗”联系起来。军训，那年根据政府法令被引入学校的军训，被黑格尔证明对于培养学生健全的品格是极为重要的。毕竟，他论证道，一个“有教养的人（gebildeter）其实没有使自己的心性局限于某种特定的东西，而宁可说是使自己能够驾驭一切事物”，再者，这样的军训提醒学生必须时刻准备“保卫祖国和国君”。（这当然是回到了黑格尔思想的主题，至少是回到了他的“论德国宪法”这篇论文中的主题，尽管这个在黑格尔1810年讲演中提出的主张现在看来好像并不是他的肺腑之言。）
